Monday, December 23, 2013
A CAROLINA CHRISTMAS CAROL by Charlie Daniels
I might as well go ahead and tell you right up front: I believe in Santa Claus.
Now, you can believe or not believe, but I'm here to tell you for a fact that there is a Santa Claus, and he does bring toys and stuff like that on Christmas Eve night.
I know, I know. It sounds like I've had too much eggnog, don't it?
All I ask is that you wait till I get through telling my story before you make up your mind.
When I was a kid, Christmas time had a magic to it that no other season of the year had. There was just something in the air, something that you couldn't put your finger on, but it was there, and it affected everybody.
It seemed like everybody smiled and laughed more at that time of year, even the people who didn't hardly smile and laugh the rest of the year. "You reckon it's gonna snow? I sure do wish it'd snow this year. Do you reckon it's gonna?" Heck no, it won't gonna snow. As far as I know, it ain't never snowed in Wilmington, North Carolina, at Christmas time in the whole history of man. It seemed like everybody in the world had snow at Christmas except us.
In the funny papers, Nancy and Sluggo and Little Orphan Annie had snow to frolic around in at Christmas time. The Christmas cards had snow. Bing Crosby even had snow to sing about.
But not one flake fell on Wilmington, North Carolina. But that didn't dampen our spirits one little bit.
Our family celebrated Christmas to the hilt. We were a big, close-knit family, and we'd gather up at Grandma's house every year. My grandparents lived on a farm in Bladen County, about fifty miles from Wilmington, and I just couldn't wait to get up there. They lived in a great big old farmhouse, and every Christmas they'd fill it up with their children and grandchildren. We'd always stay from the night of the twenty-third through the morning of the twenty-sixth. There'd be Uncle Clyde and Aunt Martha, Uncle Lacy and Aunt Selma, Uncle Leroy and Aunt Mollie, Uncle Stewart and Aunt Opal, and my mama and daddy,
Ernest and Nadine. I won’t even go into how many children were there, but take my word for it, there were a bunch.
There'd be people sleeping all over that big old house. We kids would sleep on pallets on the floor, and we'd giggle and play till some of the grown-ups would come and make us be quiet. All the usual ground rules about eating were off for those days at Grandma's house. You could eat as much pie and cake and candy as you could hold, and your mama wouldn't say a word to you. My grandma would cook from sunup to sundown and love every minute of it. She'd have cakes, pies candy, fruit and nuts setting out all the time, and on top of that, she'd cook three big meals a day. I mean, we eat like pigs.
Christmas was also the only time that my Granddaddy would take a drink. It was a Southern custom of the time not to drink in front of small children, so Granddaddy kept his drinking whiskey hid in the barn. When he'd want to go out there and get him a snort, he'd say that he had to go see if the mare had had her foal yet. It was a good, good time. A little old-fashioned by some peoples standards, but it suited us just fine.
If I'm not mistaken, it was the year I was five years old that my cousin Buford told me that there wasn't any Santa Claus. Buford was about nine at the time. He always was a mean-natured cuss.
Still is.
Well, I just refused to believe him. I said, "You're telling a great big fib, Buford Ray, 'cause Santa Claus comes to see me every Christmas, right here at Grandma and Granddaddy's house."
"That ain't Santa Claus. That's your mama and daddy."
One thing led to another and I got so upset about the prospect of no Santa Claus that I went running into the house crying.
"Grandma, Grandma! Buford says there ain't no Santa Claus! There is a Santa Claus, ain't they, Grandma?"
"Of course there is, Curtis. Buford was just joking with you."
Aunt Selma heard me talking to Grandma and walked to the door. "Buford Ray, get yourself in this house right this minute!"
When he came in, Aunt Selma grabbed him by the ear, led him into the front room and swatted him.
Granddaddy was also a big defender of Santa Claus. He would talk about Santa Claus like he was a personal friend of his. And the more he went to check on the mare, the more he talked about Santa Claus, or "Sandy Claws," as he called him.
"Yes, children, old Sandy Claws will be hitching up them reindeers and heading on down this a-way before long. Wonder what he's gonna bring this year?"
He'd have us so excited by the time we went to bed that I reckon if visions of sugarplums ever danced in anybody's heads, it was ours.
Christmas Eve night, after we had eaten about as much supper as we could hold, we'd go in the front room.
There'd always be a big log fire crackling in the fireplace, and Granddaddy would always say the same thing.
"Children, do y'all know why we have Christmas every year?"
"Cause that's when the Baby Jesus was born."
"That's right. We're celebrating the Lord's birthday. Do y'all know where He was born at?"
"In Bethlehem," we would all chime in.
"That's right, He was born in a stable in Bethlehem almost two thousand years ago."
Then Granddaddy would put on his spectacles and read Saint Luke's version of the Christmas story. Then, after we'd had family prayer, Granddaddy would always get a twinkle in his eye. "I reckon I'd better step out to the barn and see if that old mare has had her baby yet."
There was always a chorus of, "Can I go with you, Granddaddy?"
"Y'all had better stay in here by the fire. It's mighty cold outside. I'll be right back."
When Granddaddy came back in the house, he'd always say, "I was on my way back from the barn while ago, and I heard something that sounded like bells a-tinkling, way back off yonder in the woods. I just can't figure why bells would be ringing back in the woods this time of night."
"It's Santa Claus! It's Santa Claus!"
"Well, now, I never thought of that. I wonder if it was old Sandy Claws. You children better get to bed. You know he won't come to see you as long as you're awake."
Then it was time to say good night. All the grandchildren would go around hugging all the grown-ups. "Good night Grandma, good night Granddaddy, good night Uncle Clyde, good night Aunt Mollie," and so forth.
We would always try to stay awake, lying on our pallets until Santa Claus got there, but we always lost the battle. It sounded like the Third World War at Grandma's house on Christmas morning. There was cap pistols going off and baby dolls crying, and all the children hollering at the top of their lungs.
By the time the next school year started, I was six years old and in the first grade. I kept thinking about what Buford had said. I didn't want to believe it, but it kept slipping into the back door of my mind.
At school, Buford was three grades ahead of me, but I'd still see him sometimes. Every time he'd see me that whole year, he'd make it a point to rub it in about Santa Claus.
He'd do something like get me around a bunch of his older buddies and say, "Hey, you fellers, Curtis still believes in Santa Claus." And they'd all laugh and point.
Away from any adult persuasion, I guess Buford finally wore me out. I returned to Grandma's house the next year not believing that there was a Santa Claus. Christmas lost a little of its mystique. Oh, I still enjoyed it. I even pretended that I believed in "Sandy Claws" for Granddaddy's benefit, but it wasn't the same.
Well, as you know, time marches on, children grow up and leave home, including me.
I was living in Denver, Colorado, married, with a child, and I hadn't been home for Christmas since our little daughter had been born. Dawn was three that year, and this would be the first time that she really knew about Santa Claus, and she was some kind of excited.
We had the best time shopping for her, buying all the little toys that she wanted.
Daddy called me about three weeks before Christmas and said, "Son, you know that your grandparents are getting old. They've requested that all the children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren come home the way we used to. Can you make it, son?"
"We'll be there, Daddy."
I couldn't think of a better place in the whole world for little Dawn to spend her first real Christmas, so we packed up and headed for North Carolina.
Grandma was eighty-two years old, but she still cooked all day long, and she still enjoyed every minute of it.
Granddaddy was eighty-four, but he still had a twinkle in his eye and a mare in the barn.
The old house was fuller than ever, with a whole new generation of children in it. Even Buford. He had married, but he didn't have any children. He didn't want any. One of my cousins said he figured Buford was too stingy to have children.
Buford was still the same, except that he had changed from a boy with a mean nature to a full-grown man with a cynical nature and a know-it-all attitude.
Just before we went into the front room for family prayer and the reading of the Christmas story, I overheard him say to somebody, "I don't know why Granddaddy keeps filling the children's heads full of that Santa Claus nonsense. I think it's ridiculous. If I had children, I wouldn't let him tell them all that junk."
I looked hard at Buford. I had never liked him, and I liked him even less now.
Our little daughter was so excited when Granddaddy started talking about "Sandy Claws" that she jumped up and down and clapped her hands.
When I took her up to bed, there was pure excitement in those big brown eyes. "Santa Claus is coming, Daddy! Santa Claus is coming, Daddy!"
I got a warm feeling all over, and I sure was glad to be back at Grandma's house at Christmas time.
After all the children had gone to sleep, the grown-ups started going out to their cars to get the toys they had brought for Santa Claus to leave under the Christmas tree.
I decided to wait until everybody else had finished before I put Dawn's presents out. This was a special time for me and I wanted to enjoy it.
After everybody had gone up to bed, I went to the car to get Dawn's toys. To my shock, I couldn't find them. I ran back into the house to my wife. "Sylvia, where did you pack Dawn's Christmas presents?"
"I thought you packed them."
I was close to panic, but I didn't want Sylvia to know it. I said, "Oh well, you just go on to bed, honey, and I'll look again. I probably just overlooked them." I kissed my wife goodnight and went back downstairs.
I knew I hadn't overlooked them. We had somehow forgot to pack them, and they were two thousand miles away in Denver, Colorado.
I was a miserable man. I just didn't feel like I could face little Dawn the next morning. She'd be so disappointed. All the other children would have the toys that Santa had brought them, and my beloved little daughter wouldn't have anything.
How could I have been so dumb? Here it was, twelve o'clock Christmas Eve night, all the stores closed, everybody in bed, and me without a single present for little Dawn. I was heartbroken.
I went into the front room and sat by the dying fire, dejected and hopeless.
I don't know how long I sat there staring at the embers, but sometime later on I heard a rustle behind me and somebody said, "You got a match, son?"
I turned around and almost fell on the floor.
Standing not ten feet from me was a short, fat little man in a red suit, with a long white beard and a pipe sticking out of his mouth.
I couldn't move, I couldn't speak. He looked at me and chuckled.
"Have you got a match, son? I ran out and I want to get this pipe going."
When I finally got my voice back, all I could say was, "Who are you?"
"Well, people call me by different names in different parts of the world, but around here they call me Santa Claus."
"No, I mean who are you really?"
I just told you, son. How about that match?"
I stumbled to the mantelpiece, got a kitchen match and gave it to him.
"Much obliged." He stood there lighting his pipe, with me looking at him like he was a ghost or something.
"How did you get in here?"
"Oh, I've got my ways."
"I thought you were supposed to slide down the chimney."
"That's a common misconception. Would you slide down a chimney with a fire at the bottom?"
"Well, no. I mean, no, sir."
"Well, neither would I."
"How did you get here?"
"I've got a sturdy sleigh and the finest team of reindeer a man could have."
"But we ain't got snow."
Santa Claus laughed so hard that his considerable belly shook. "I don't need snow. Half the places I go in the world don't have snow. Besides, I like to get out of the snow once in a while. We have it year-round at the North Pole, you know."
"You mean you really live at the North Pole?"
"Of course, I've always lived at the North Pole. Don't you know anything about Santa Claus, son?"
"Well, yeah, but I thought it was all a big put-on for the children."
"That's the trouble with you grown-ups. You think that everything you can't see is a put-on. It's a shame grown people can't be more like children. They don't have any trouble believing in me."
"You mean you've really got a sleigh, with reindeer named Donner and Blitzen and stuff like that?"
"That's right, son. There's Comet and Cupid and Donner and Blitzen and Dasher and Dancer and Prancer and Vixen. Of course, there's no Rudolph with the red nose. I don't know who came up with that one. Rudolph really is a put-on."
"But what are you doing here? Why did you come?"
"Because there's a little girl in this house who believes in me very much. Now, she'd be mighty disappointed to wake up Christmas morning and have nothing under the tree."
"You mean you a came all the way here just because one little girl believes in you?"
"That's right, son. There's magic in believing. Besides, she's not the only one in this house who believes in me."
"Who else?"
"Why, your grandfather, of course."
"You mean Granddaddy wasn't putting us on all those years? He really believed in you?"
"Of course he believed in me."
"Well, why do you do this?"
"It's my way of celebrating the most important birthday in the history of man. Our Lord has given us so much. How can we do less?"
Santa Claus consulted a piece of paper he pulled out of his pocket and started taking a doll and other toys out of a big bag he had brought with him.
"Well, I've got to go, son. I've got a lot of stops to make before sunup. It's been really nice talking to you. Thanks for the match."
"Can I help you with your bag, Santa Claus?"
"No, that's all right, son. I'm used to carrying it."
I walked outside with him. "Where's your sleigh, Santa Claus?"
"It's parked right over there in the edge of the woods. You can come over and see it if you like."
I started walking over to his sleigh with him, but then I had a thought.
"I'm gonna have to miss seeing your sleigh and reindeer. Thank you so very much. You saved my life. God bless you, Santa Claus. I'll see you next year."
"God bless you, too, son and a Merry Christmas to you and yours."
Santa Claus started across the yard toward his sleigh, and I went running back in the house like a wild man. I raced up the stairs.
"Buford, Buford, get up!"
"What's the matter, is the house on fire?"
"No, but hurry. Come out on the upstairs porch."
Buford grumbled as he got up and followed me out on the upstairs porch.
"What the heck do you want? It's cold out here."
"Just hush up and listen."
Well, we listened by a full minute and nothing happened.
"You're crazy. I'm going back to bed."
"Buford, if you go back in the house, you're gonna miss something that I want you, above all people, to see."
We waited for a little while longer and I had almost given up when I heard it. It was just a little tinkle at first, hanging on the frosty air and getting louder by the second. It was sleigh bells!
Buford looked at me and said, "Curtis, is this some kind of joke or something?"
"No, Buford, I swear it ain't. Just wait a minute now!"
The sound of sleigh bells was getting louder and Buford's face was getting whiter. "You got somebody out there doing that, ain't you? Admit it! You got somebody out there, ain't you?"
I didn't say a word. All of a sudden it sounded like somebody had flushed a covey of quail. That sleigh came up out of the woods and headed west, hovering just above the treetops.
Buford was speechless. I thought he was gonna pass out. He held on to the banister and took deep breaths. Even if you believe so far, I know you ain't gonna believe this next part, but it really happened. Santa Claus made a big circle and turned and flew right around he house. I bet he won't over twenty feet from the upstairs porch when he passes by me and Buford.
Old Santa Claus could really handle them reindeer. Then he headed west again, moving at a pretty good clip this time.
I hate to even tell you this next part, 'cause you'll think I took it right out of the book, but I didn't. Anyway, just about the time he was getting out of our hearing, he hollered, "Merry Christmas, everybody!"
And then he was gone.
"Curtis, do you know where Granddaddy keeps that bottle hid in the barn? I need me a drink."
I don't believe that Buford ever told anybody about seeing Santa Claus.
I know I didn't, not until now. But I just had to tell somebody about it. It's been hard keeping it to myself all these years.
I'm a granddaddy myself now. That little girl that caused all this to happen with her faith in Santa Claus is grown and married and has a three-year-old girl and a five-year-old boy.
Me and Sylvia moved back to North Carolina many years ago and bought a big old farmhouse. Now my grandchildren come and spend Christmas with me and their grandmother.
There's not as many of us as there was at Grandma's house, but we have just as big a time and celebrate Christmas just as hard.
In fact, Christmas is about the only time a year I'll take a drink. I always get me a pint of Old Granddad at Christmas time. Since the grandchildren are so small, I don't like to drink in front of them, so I keep my drinking whiskey hid out in the barn.
When I want to go out there and get me a snort, I always tell the grandchildren that I've got to see if the cows got corn. Of course, all the grown-ups know why I'm going out to the barn, or at least they think they do.
I always make my last trip to the barn after I've read the Christmas story and had family prayer. Everybody thinks I'm going out to get me a snort, but they're wrong.
I'm just going out to hear the sleigh bells ring.
Tuesday, December 10, 2013
ADHD Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
What are the symptoms of ADHD?
ADHD symptoms usually arise in early childhood. Current diagnostic criteria indicate that the disorder is marked by behaviors that are long-lasting and evident for at least six months, with onset before age seven. Because everyone shows signs of these behaviors at one time or another, the guidelines for determining whether a person has ADHD are very specific.
In children, the symptoms must be more frequent
or severe than in other children of the same age. In adults, the symptoms must
be present since childhood and affect the person’s ability to function in daily
life. For both children and adults, these symptoms must create significant
difficulty in at least two areas of life, such as home, social settings,
school, or work.
Increasingly, researchers are studying ADHD in
the context of executive functions—the brain functions that activate, organize,
integrate, and manage other functions. Impairment of these executive functions
is considered highly interrelated to symptoms associated with ADHD.
There are three primary subtypes of ADHD, each
associated with different symptoms.
ADHD—Primarily Inattentive Type:
Fails to give close attention to details or makes
careless mistakes
Has difficulty sustaining attention
Does not appear to listen
Struggles to follow through on instructions
Has difficulty with organization
Avoids or dislikes tasks requiring sustained
mental effort
Is easily distracted
Is forgetful in daily activities
ADHD—Primarily Hyperactive/Impulsive Type:
Fidgets with hands or feet or squirms in chair
Has difficulty remaining seated
Runs around or climbs excessively
Has difficulty engaging in activities quietly
Acts as if driven by a motor
Talks excessively
Blurts out answers before questions have been
completed
Has difficulty waiting or taking turns
Interrupts or intrudes upon others
ADHD—Combined Type:
Meets both inattentive and hyperactive/impulsive
criteria
Learn More
Symptoms and Diagnostic Criteria
What is Executive Function?
The ADHD Iceberg (pdf)
Predominantly Inattentive Type
The Secret Lives of Girls with ADHD
Understanding the Link Between Executive
Functions and School Success
What causes ADHD?
Research has demonstrated that ADHD has a very
strong neurobiological basis. Although precise causes have not yet been
identified, there is little question that heredity makes the largest
contribution to the expression of the disorder in the population.
In instances where heredity does not seem to be a
factor, difficulties during pregnancy, prenatal exposure to alcohol and
tobacco, premature delivery, significantly low birth weight, excessively high
body lead levels, and postnatal injury to the prefrontal regions of the brain
have all been found to contribute to the risk for ADHD to varying degrees.
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM), published by the American
Psychiatric Association (APA) is the guide that lays out the criteria to be
used by doctors, mental health professionals, and other qualified clinicians
when making a diagnosis of ADHD. The most recent edition of the manual is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5). See this DSM-5 Fact Sheet on ADHD for for a summary of recent changes.
As with all DSM-5 diagnoses, it is essential to
first rule out other conditions that may be the true cause of symptoms. The
DSM-5 identifies three presentations of ADHD, depending on the presence or
absence of particular symptoms: Inattentive presentation, Hyperactive-Impulsive
presentation, and Combined presentation.
Because everyone shows signs of these behaviors
at one time or another, the guidelines for determining whether a person has
ADHD are very specific. To be diagnosed with ADHD, children must have six or
more of the nine characteristics and older teens or adults must have at least
five of the nine characteristics in either or both DSM-5 categories listed
below.
In children and teenagers, the symptoms must be
more frequent or severe compared to other children the same age. In adults, the
symptoms must affect the ability to function in daily life and persist from
adolescence.
In addition, the behaviors must create
significant difficulty in at least two areas of life, such as home, social settings,
school, or work. Symptoms must be present for at least six months.
Criteria for the three primary presentations
are:
ADHD - Predominantly Inattentive Presentation
Fails to give close attention to details or makes
careless mistakes.
Has difficulty sustaining attention.
Does not appear to listen.
Struggles to follow through on instructions.
Has difficulty with organization.
Avoids or dislikes tasks requiring sustained
mental effort.
Loses things.
Is easily distracted.
Is forgetful in daily activities.
ADHD - Predominantly Hyperactive/Impulsive
Presentation
Fidgets with hands or feet or squirms in chair.
Has difficulty remaining seated.
Runs about or climbs excessively in children;
extreme restlessness in adults. Difficulty engaging in activities
quietly.
Acts as if driven by a motor; adults will often
feel internally as if they were driven by a motor.
Talks excessively.
Blurts out answers before questions have been
completed.
Difficulty waiting or taking turns.
Interrupts or intrudes upon others.
ADHD - Combined Presentation
Individual meets both sets of inattention and
hyperactive/impulsive criteria.
As ADHD symptoms affect each person to varying
degrees, the DSM-5 requires professionals who diagnose the condition to specify
the severity of the disorder in the affected individual, Clinicians can
designate the severity of ADHD presentation as "mild"
"moderate" or "severe" under the criteria in the
DSM-5:
Mild: Few symptoms beyond the required number for
diagnosis are present and symptoms result in minor impairment at home, school,
work and/or in social settings.
Moderate: Symptoms or impairment between
"mild" and "severe" are present.
Severe: Many symptoms are present beyond the
number needed to make a diagnosis, or multiple symptoms are particularly
severe, or symptoms extremely impair an individual at home, school, work and/or
in social settings.
It is also important to note that the severity
level and presentation of ADHD can change during a person's lifetime. This
includes the possibility that ADHD can go in to partial remission. For this to
happen, an individual who previously met all the criteria for a diagnosis would
need to experience less than the original number of symptoms found to be
present when they were first diagnosed, during the previous six month
period.
Executive Function:
Executive Function (EF) refers to brain functions
that activate, organize, integrate and manage other functions. It enables
individuals to account for short and long term consequences of their actions
and to plan for those results. It also allows individuals to make real time
evaluations of their actions, and make necessary adjustments if those actions
are not achieving the desired result.
There are differing models of executive function
put forth by different researchers, but the above statements cover the basics
that are common to most. Two of the major ADHD researchers involved in studying
EF are Russell Barkley, PhD, and Tom Brown, PhD.
Barkley breaks executive functions down into four
areas:
Nonverbal working memory
Internalization of Speech (verbal working memory)
Self-regulation of affect/motivation/arousal
Reconstitution (planning and generativity)
Barkley's model is based on the idea that
inabilities to self-regulate lie at the root of many challenges faced by
individuals with ADHD. He puts forth that they are unable to delay responses,
thus acting impulsively, and without adequate consideration of future
consequences -- beneficial or negative.1
Brown breaks executive functions down into six
different "clusters."
Organizing, prioritizing and activating for tasks
Focusing, sustaining and shifting attention to task
Regulating alertness, sustaining effort and
processing speed
Managing frustration and modulating emotions
Utilizing working memory and accessing recall
Monitoring and self-regulating action
According to Brown, these clusters operate in an
integrated way, and people with ADHD tend to suffer impairments in at least
some aspects of each cluster. Because these impairments seem to show up
together much of the time, Brown believes they are clinically related.
Under Brown's model, difficulties in these clusters
lead to attentional deficits, as individuals have difficulty organizing tasks,
getting started, remaining engaged, remaining alert, maintaining a level
emotional state, applying working memory and recall, and self-monitoring and
regulating actions.2
It is clear that executive function impairments
have an adverse effect on an individual's ability to begin, work on and
complete tasks. It is also commonly thought that deficits in executive
functions are highly interrelated to symptoms associated with ADHD.
_______________________________________________________
1. Barkley, Russell A., Murphy, Kevin R., Fischer,
Mariellen (2008). ADHD in Adults: What the Science Says (pp 171 - 175).
New York, Guilford Press.
2. Brown, Thomas E. (2005). Attention Deficit Disorder:
The Unfocused Mind in Children and Adults (pp 20 - 58). New Haven, CT, Yale
University Press Health and Wellness.
Despite frequent sensational media portrayals to
the contrary, there is more than a hundred years of research documenting the
existence of ADHD and offering answers as to the best ways to treat the
neurobiological disorder. In the 1970s, for example, there were over two
thousand studies published on ADHD. But this was always somehow lost in
translation. Despite the incredible gains in our scientific understanding,
generations of people were undiagnosed and untreated. After opening its doors
in 1987, CHADD began sharing information from the scientific community with
families and individuals affected by ADHD. Through support groups at the local
level, national conferences, parent and teacher training programs, an
award-winning magazine, and a widely accessed Web site, CHADD has made a
significant impact on public awareness of ADHD.
The 21st century promises remarkable progress
that will no doubt alter the way people view, diagnose, and treat ADHD. Our
understanding of genetics is growing by leaps and bounds and impressive
developments in technology will produce more discoveries by offering a window
into the brain. We are now more likely to discuss and research issues important
to Hispanics/Latinos, women, African Americans, and other historically
disenfranchised groups (though disparities in research and treatment certainly
continue). It’s a cliché to say it, but we truly don’t know exactly how all of
these revolutionary developments will shape the distant future. But we can stop
and celebrate scientific findings to this point and contemplate what needs to
happen next.
To accomplish that goal, Attention asked some of the nation’s
leading researchers, experts on a variety of topics surrounding ADHD, to talk
about two or three research findings that have improved society’s understanding
of ADHD. We also asked them how we could improve on the next stage of ADHD
research. And then we posed to them the most important question of all: What
will these answers mean to you, the reader, and presumably the person affected
by ADHD? In the end, our social movement is only as strong as the research that
is produced. Current research findings tell us about how best to diagnose and
treat ADHD, and in the future may unlock new ways to prevent its occurrence.
The future promises innovative approaches that will improve the lives of
individuals affected by ADHD. We must keep asking the right questions and
making sure our government is funding research to answer those questions.
Here’s to more research. Here’s to the future. Here’s to you!
Anne Teeter Ellison, EdD, professor emeritus in
educational psychology at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, is the
immediate past president of CHADD. Attention editors Bryan Goodman, MA, and Susan Buningh, MRE, compiled and
edited the contributions from leading researchers on ADHD.
Multimodal Treatment
Among the numerous findings from the two major
ADHD multimodal treatment studies—the National Institute of Mental Health
Multimodal Treatment Study of Children with ADHD (MTA) and the NY/Montreal
Medication and Psychosocial Treatment (MPT)—there are a few that stand out.
First, the intervention associated with the most improvement in ADHD symptoms
is pharmacotherapy. However, the optimal benefits of stimulant treatment are
less likely to occur with the use of typical community-based medication
management strategies. The MTA and MPT have identified medication management
guidelines that increase the likelihood that optimal ADHD symptom reduction
will be achieved and maintained. Notably, once stimulant treatment is no longer
provided by research clinicians, the relative benefits of medication compared
to behavioral treatment begin to diminish and are no longer present after two
years. This finding emphasizes the importance of implementing strategies to
sustain clinical gains following the completion of intensive treatment, be it
pharmacotherapy or behavior therapy. To this end, research that focuses on the
development, evaluation, and comparison of various maintenance strategies is
called for. Related to that, generalization of treatment effects across
settings remains a primary yet still relatively elusive goal of ADHD
intervention research. Systematic research efforts to improve generalization
effects are needed as are investigations of whether individuals with ADHD have
a basic deficit in the ability to generalize. If so, it will be important to ascertain
the basic mechanisms associated with a “generalization deficit” and to consider
the potential treatment implications of these findings.
Howard Abikoff, PhD, is director of the Institute for
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity and Behavior Disorders at the New York
University Child Study Center. He is the Pevaroff Cohn Professor of Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry at the NYU School of Medicine.
Alternative / Complementary Treatments
One major advance in ADHD research in the past
decade has been the increased number and quality of studies for most
alternative/complementary treatments, and the increased interest and
willingness of mainstream respected investigators to examine them. Although
many of the studies have flaws, the general quality has improved (albeit in a
spotty manner), with features such as double-blinding, random assignment, more
valid data analyses, and clinically relevant outcome measures.
There are now at least seven reasonable studies
of long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids, with several showing modest positive
effects. A trend seems to be emerging that a mixture of EPA, DHA, and
gamma-linolenic acid may be better than either DHA or GLA alone. The importance
of this is that these supplements are reasonably cheap and safe if taken as directed
(as long as the fish oil is mercury-free), have known cardiovascular benefits,
and are compatible with conventional treatments, so that provisional clinical
use while awaiting definite proof for ADHD seems acceptable. A third advance is
the accumulation of controlled studies suggesting sensitivity to food dyes and
preservatives (about ten since 1990), capped by three studies in the United
Kingdom demonstrating a small but significant deleterious effect for children
in general, not just those with ADHD. Although the effect was modest, the fact
that it applies to the whole population gives it enough public health import to
justify negotiations to get artificial dyes out of edibles intended for
children.
The next steps in studying alternative and
complementary treatments should be (a) large multisite trials for those that
have promising controlled pilot data; (b) randomized pilot trials (double-blind
where possible) of treatments that don’t already have such; and (c) comparisons
not only to placebo, but also to standard treatment and the combination of
standard treatment and the complementary treatment.
Unanswered major questions include: How much
quality control is needed for treatments with a generous safety margin? What
nutritional support is needed with medications that decrease appetite and might
have unknown effects on nutrient metabolism? What treatments or combinations of
treatment can be devised for the small percent who are unresponsive to current
established treatments?
L. Eugene Arnold, MD, MEd, professor emeritus of psychiatry at
Ohio State University, currently serves as chair of the steering committee for
the NIMH Multimodal Treatment Study of Children with ADHD. Arnold is a member
of CHADD’s professional advisory board and the editorial advisory board of
Attention magazine.
ADHD Through the Lifespan
Undoubtedly, the three research findings that
have improved our understanding of ADHD have been (1) the advances in understanding the nature and
cause of ADHD. For instance, among the fastest growing areas of
research has been the genetic contribution to ADHD and specifically identifying
candidate genes and their interactions with environmental factors (biohazards)
that affect the inherited variant of ADHD. Related to these advances have been
those in the neuroimaging of ADHD and the networks that mediate the expression
of the disorder. And with these advances have come those in the neuropsychology
of ADHD broadening our understanding to include the executive functions, such
as working memory, and the self-regulation that they provide to human behavior.
(2) The development of new medication
delivery systems and new medicines for ADHD. The science and
technology behind these advances have been nothing short of amazing as we now
have the five P delivery systems—pills, pellets (time release), pumps,
patches, and prodrugs—along with the new drug, atomoxetine. And (3) the rapid development of knowledge about the
adult outcomes of children with ADHD combined with that on clinic-referred
adults with ADHD.
We should broaden the array of accommodations and
nonmedical treatments for ADHD beyond the traditional behavioral ones by
conducting further research on new promising
psychosocial treatments for ADHD, such as training working memory, time
management training of children through teachers and parents, cognitive
behavioral training for adults with ADHD, after-school supplemental services
for teens with ADHD, etc.
targeting the problems associated with compliance
with or adherence to treatments during the crucial transitional years of
adolescence into adulthood.
evaluating the impact of ADHD in adults in the
workplace, marriage, child-rearing, and other important major life activities
that remain understudied.
exploring in far more detail the link recently
identified between ADHD and risk for cardiovascular disease specifically and
general health maintenance in adulthood more generally.
Future research may provide answers to the
following important questions: What are the genes for ADHD and how do they
function to alter behavior and produce the symptoms of the disorder? Once
identified, can these be translated into genetic testing in clinics for aid
with diagnosis, subtyping, selection of medications, and understanding and preventing
life-course risks? Will these mechanisms lead to safer and more effective
medications and even nonmedical treatments given that genes have recently been
found that appear to mediate response to behavioral interventions? Can we
reduce the portion of ADHD prevalence that arises from nongenetic sources, such
as maternal smoking and drinking, prematurity, maternal infections, etc.? Just
how is ADHD related to the brain’s executive functions, and does this mean that
ADHD is EFDD (executive function deficit disorder) or a developmental disorder
of self-regulation (DDSR)? Can alternative pathways to successful occupational
and social functioning be identified and implemented during adolescence that do
not rely so heavily on general academic performance for the college-bound
individual (i.e., vocational-technical training, training for entrepreneurial
enterprises, opportunities in self-employment, etc.)? How can family members be
empowered to assist patients with ADHD who are uncooperative with traditional
ADHD interventions?
Russell A. Barkley, PhD, is research professor of psychiatry
at the State University of New York Upstate Medical University at Syracuse.
ADHD in Spanish-Speaking Communities
Over the past few years, researchers have refuted
a monolithic characterization of ADHD and have sought to conceptualize it as a
highly genetic disorder with diverse causes, heterogeneous symptoms, and
persistent yet differing manifestations across development. Mounting genetic
and behavioral research suggests that ADHD interferes with self-regulation,
affects cognitive development, and impairs effective adaptation to the social
environment. However, limited research has explored how culture and the social
context may trigger the genetic expression of ADHD and shape the diagnosis and
treatment of ADHD symptoms within Spanish-speaking communities, as well as
others. This omission needs to be addressed in future studies. Research in this
area will help us to identify differences across cultural groups in the expression
of ADHD symptoms, as well as the risk and protective factors associated with
optimal psychosocial functioning.
Among the numerous research questions that remain
unanswered, the most pressing is an understanding of how genetic and contextual
factors are interrelated in the onset and development of ADHD; in other words,
which genes and environmental factors interact to increase the risk of
developing ADHD and its associated impairments, and how. Answers to this
complex question will help to prevent ADHD and guide development of tailor-made
treatment programs for those living with this condition and their families, as
well as how to integrate culturally specific treatment strategies for multiple
populations.
José J. Bauermeister, PhD, is a clinician in private
practice and a researcher at the Behavioral Sciences Research Institute at the
University of Puerto Rico. A member of CHADD’s professional advisory board, he
also serves on the editorial advisory board of Attention magazine.
Executive Functions
Over the past decade, research findings have
provided impressive evidence of the fact that ADHD is a developmental disorder
that powerfully impacts a large number of adolescents and adults, as well as
young boys and girls, around the world. Studies have also shed helpful light on
how medication treatments often can alleviate ADHD symptoms. New imaging
techniques are beginning to offer clues about the many interacting aspects of
the brain implicated in this disorder.
Gradually, many are recognizing that ADHD is not a
simple behavior disorder but a developmental impairment of the brain’s
executive functions, its self-management systems. Many with ADHD have never had
any significant behavioral problems; attentional problems are far more
impairing and persistent for most. Much remains to be learned about the
complexities of cognitive management functions that underlie the multiple
impairments of ADHD in daily life.
Current diagnostic criteria for ADHD include
nothing about problems with management of emotion, yet most clinicians
recognize that impairments in motivation and emotional regulation are a major
burden for most patients with ADHD across the lifespan. We need research to
develop a clearer understanding of how to sort out and treat problems of
motivation and emotional regulation characteristic of most persons with ADHD.
An even larger problem is to gain a clearer
understanding of how impairments of ADHD are related to other disorders. Some
researchers are beginning to recognize the role of attentional problems in reading
disorders and other specific learning disorders; they can see that treatment of
associated attentional problems may be necessary, though not sufficient, to
alleviate dyslexia and other learning disorders. Other researchers are
struggling to sort out questions about how to identify, understand, and treat
mood disorders, autistic spectrum disorders, anxiety disorders, and other
syndromes that often overlap and/or are comorbid with ADHD. Hopefully such
studies will eventually guide us to develop more effective assessments and
treatments for the many children, adolescents, and adults who continue to
suffer from complicated versions of ADHD.
Thomas E. Brown, PhD, is assistant clinical professor of
psychiatry at the Yale University School of Medicine and associate director of
the Yale Clinic for Attention and Related Disorders.
African Americans and ADHD
African-American children have rates of ADHD
comparable to their Caucasian peers, yet they are less likely to receive
treatment. This is particularly concerning because African-American children
appear to be at higher risk for adverse social consequences of ADHD, such as
school disciplinary referrals and poor educational outcomes. Lower access to
ADHD treatment for African-American children may in part reflect cultural
differences in such domains as parental explanatory models of ADHD, mental
disorder stigma perceptions, and acceptability of empirically supported ADHD
treatments (medications and behavioral interventions).
Against this background, the 2003 study by Gene
Arnold et al. provides us with important information about the effects of
ethnicity on treatment attendance and 14-month outcomes in the Multimodal
Treatment Study of Children with ADHD. Their analysis showed that
African-American and Latino children responded equally well to treatment as
matched Caucasian peers, and that ethnic minority families cooperated with and
benefited significantly from combination treatment. This incremental benefit
from behavior management was still significant after controlling for
potentially confounding sociodemographic factors such as mother’s education,
single-parent status, and poverty.
Given that empirically supported ADHD treatments
work as well for African-American children as for their Caucasian counterparts,
the next important research question is how we can improve access to these
treatments and which factors should we target (e.g., ADHD knowledge and
beliefs, stigma perceptions, perceived acceptability and effectiveness of
interventions) and at what level (e.g., individual parent, child, or
adolescent; community; faith-based groups; school-based), to reduce
disparities. For this work to succeed, community-based participatory research
designs are particularly promising.
Regina Bussing, MD, professor of psychiatry at the
University of Florida, is a member of CHADD’s professional advisory board. She
worked with CHADD and experts from across the country on a consensus statement
on ADHD in the African-American community.
Prevention Strategies
Research over the past decade has supported the
assumption that the combination of stimulant medication and behavioral
interventions is optimal for enhancing children’s academic and social
functioning. In particular, this combination may allow the usage of lower
dosages of both treatments than is possible when either medication or behavior
therapy is used in isolation. Further, we have learned that stimulant
medication is effective for reducing ADHD symptoms in preschoolers; however,
this treatment approach may lead to greater side effects than among older
children, may be less acceptable to parents, and has not been demonstrated to
have an impact on functioning outside of symptom reduction. Thus, the next
generation of treatment outcome studies needs to emphasize the impact of interventions
on critical functional impairments (i.e., beyond symptom reduction) and account
for individual variation in response to treatment. Further, we need to identify
strategies that can help to prevent functional impairments and comorbid
disorders (e.g., conduct disorder) in young children with ADHD, as well as to
develop methods to enhance the likelihood that empirically supported
interventions will actually be used in the community, especially in schools and
homes.
George J. DuPaul, PhD, is professor of school psychology and
coordinator of the school psychology program at Lehigh University.
International Findings
The increasing published literature over the past
decade has contributed to our understanding and appreciation that ADHD is a condition
that transcends not just age, development, race, ethnicity, religion, gender,
and socioeconomic status, but also geographic location. In the past ten years
studies on the epidemiology, symptom presentation, impairments, and course of
ADHD have been published with data generated from six continents. The current
challenge is to generate more and better research exemplifying the course of
ADHD through the lifespan. In particular, we need to better understand the
protective factors within the person, environment, and culture able to reduce
the adverse risks and impairments many individuals with ADHD experience. This
research will lead to better treatments as well as to a much better
understanding of how to improve the quality of life and happiness for individuals
with ADHD.
Sam Goldstein, PhD, a member of the faculties of the
University of Utah and George Mason University, is clinical director of the
Neurology, Learning, and Behavior Center in Salt Lake City, and editor of the
Journal of Attention Disorders. Goldstein is a contributing editor to Attention
magazine and a member of its editorial advisory board.
Translating Research Into Practice
Over the last decade we have made three very
important advances in our understanding of ADHD. Appropriately understood,
these advances offer enormous hope and help for parents of children affected by
ADHD. First, as shown in the NIMH Multimodal Treatment Study of Children with
ADHD (MTA), we now have a good handle on which of the available treatments work
best for children with ADHD. Thus, the MTA study essentially showed that
carefully managed medication was superior to hundreds of hours of psychosocial
interventions delivered at home and school, using the leading alternative
treatment, behavior therapy. Second, through the MTA we also learned that many
children, especially those with the most severe, complex, and/or comorbid forms
of ADHD, benefited most by medication
plus behavior therapy, essentially restating the adage coined by
Gabriele Weiss, “pills do not create skills.” With both treatments together—the
multimodal approach—children with social skills deficits, family conflict,
and/or learning difficulties received even greater benefit than with medication
alone. The third major finding emerging from the MTA study is that these
treatments, while powerful and helpful in their own right, must be continued
for many children, rather than stopped after 14 months, as was done in the MTA
study.
Together, these three findings lead us to areas
where additional research is needed: Why do some children show substantial and
sustained benefit from 14 months of treatment, essentially allowing them to
lead relatively normal lives from that point forward, while others slip back
into many of the difficulties that initially brought them to treatment? Here
again, findings from the MTA are illuminating: The data indicate that in some
instances, parents and children are able to create a successful path forward,
finding hope and success in working around the child’s difficulties. But in
other instances, perhaps where families are under severe stresses, the child’s
difficulties pose a severe threat to both the child’s and parents’ views and
hopes about the child’s future. Despair and defeat appear to settle in for the
long run, as the child’s future seems to be guided by self-fulfilling
prophecies of future failure.
Future research on ADHD outcomes will need to
tackle this thorny problem: How do we create hope and healing in highly
stressed, overwhelmed families? What is the role of community supports or
other, yet-to-be-discovered treatments in helping the whole family overcome
cycles of parental depression and despair, and persistent youth beliefs that
they cannot succeed? It is now clear that ADHD does not mean an inevitable
prediction of poor outcomes. Many, perhaps even most children, will do
reasonably well and go on to lead successful lives. But for some children the
effects of ADHD appear to lead to lifelong scars. Learning how to intervene
more effectively for these children constitutes our greatest challenge for the
future.
Peter Jensen, MD, is the director and CEO of the REACH Institute
(Resources for Advancing Children’s Healthcare). He was associate director of
child and adolescent research at NIMH and lead investigator on the MTA study.
ADHD in Women and Girls
Until the last decade, issues pertaining to
gender differences in ADHD were largely ignored. The majority of girls and
women with ADHD remained undiagnosed or misdiagnosed, and coexisting conditions
were seen as primary rather than secondary or coexisting with ADHD. Recent
research looking more closely at ADHD in females has uncovered some very
interesting and unexpected findings.
A 2006 study confirms that girls with ADHD are
5.4 times more likely to be diagnosed with a major depression and three times
more likely to be treated for depression prior to their ADHD diagnosis.
Coexisting conditions in women with ADHD are often different from those seen in
men. Results from two recent clinical trials in adults with ADHD have helped to
shed additional light on gender differences. In these studies, women were found
to have significantly more affective symptoms with higher scores on rating
scales for both anxiety and depression. In addition, they were found to have
more sleep disorders. In a completely different area, two recent studies of
adolescent girls previously diagnosed with ADHD found a significant incidence
of eating disorders at follow-up. A large prospective study of adolescent girls
with and without ADHD (controls) found that those with ADHD were 3.6 times more
likely to develop an eating disorder, defined as either anorexia or bulimia
nervosa. In a second study, 93 adolescent girls seen at a five-year follow-up
were assessed for eating disorders. In this study, baseline impulsivity
symptoms best predicted adolescent eating pathology, as did the diagnosis of
ADHD-combined type. In addition, peer rejection and parent-child relationship
patterns were seen as predictive of eating disorders in these girls with ADHD.
This emerging picture of higher rates of
comorbidities associated with ADHD in females, particularly depression and
eating disorders, only underscores the psychological suffering females with
ADHD experience as they struggle to meet gender role norms and to deal with their
ADHD on a daily basis. The interplay of these conditions needs to be more
closely examined in order to accurately paint the clinical picture of ADHD in
females.
Patricia O. Quinn, MD, a developmental pediatrician and
clinical assistant professor of pediatrics at Georgetown University Medical
Center, is cofounder and director of the National Center for Girls and Women
with ADHD.
Adults with ADHD
Although published studies documenting that ADHD
persists into adulthood can be traced back to 1967, adult ADHD has only been
widely researched in the past decade or so. Two research tracks that have been
instrumental in establishing the validity of the clinical syndrome in adults
are those that have documented both the prevalence and life impairments associated
with adult ADHD. Recent research indicates that 4.4 percent of the adult
population in the United States and 3.4 percent of a diverse international
sample fulfill diagnostic criteria for ADHD. More relevant for the day-to-day
lives of these adults are numerous studies shedding light on the profound
difficulties and impairments associated with adult ADHD, such as increased risk
for depression, anxiety, and substance abuse, difficulties functioning in
school or at work, relationship and parenting problems, as well as wide ranging
problems with money management, disorganization, and managing personal affairs.
Being a clinician-researcher, it is of particular
interest that adult ADHD research suggests that very few adults with ADHD
receive specialized treatment, numbering as low as one in ten adults with ADHD.
This is discouraging because there have been promising results obtained in
clinical outcome studies of treatments for adult ADHD. Medications have emerged
as a highly effective treatment option. However, because of the pervasive
negative effects of ADHD on adult life, medications alone may be insufficient
treatment for many individuals. Consequently, there has been growing interest
in the development and research of non-medication treatments that focus on reducing
impairments in daily life. Psychosocial treatments, namely both group and
individual cognitive-behavioral therapy, have produced consistently positive
results. An emerging learning strategy and instructional approach for college
students with ADHD has yielded positive initial results, and a variety of other
adjunct treatments have produced a range of outcomes from promising to
disappointing.
A criticism of past research on ADHD in children
was that it was conducted predominantly with Caucasian boys. It is encouraging
that adult studies, particularly psychosocial treatment studies, have included
a large number of women with ADHD. However, extant studies have not reflected
the range of diversity of adults with ADHD in terms of ethnicity, income status,
education, and impairment. For example, psychosocial outcomes studies have
generally been conducted at clinics specializing in the assessment and
treatment of adult ADHD. However, virtually all of these studies have been
conducted without external research funding, which means that the participants
were those adult ADHD patients who could find and afford specialized treatment.
Consequently, while the positive outcomes are encouraging, we do not have data
on the effectiveness of these treatments for the most severely impaired adults
with ADHD, who might be unemployed, not have insurance, etc. Thus, it will be
important to conduct clinical outcome studies that can reach the estimated 90
percent of adults with ADHD who do not receive specialized treatment.
There are numerous questions yet to be answered
regarding adult ADHD that span the gamut of research programs, including
genetics, neurobiological functioning and neuroimaging, areas of life
impairment, and the unique symptoms of adult ADHD that characterize the
syndrome, to name a few. However, an important domain of research with direct
relevance to the lives of adults with ADHD is treatment outcome research.
Ongoing pharmacotherapy studies will provide important information on
medication treatments, including new agents and combination regimens to address
ADHD and co-existing mood and anxiety issues. There are a wide range of
non-medication treatments for adult ADHD designed to address various areas of
impairment that will need to be subjected to well-designed, rigorous research,
including psychosocial treatments, ADHD coaching, academic interventions,
neurofeedback and working memory training, and the assortment of complementary
and alternative treatments. Identifying effective treatments and disseminating professional
treatment guidelines for adult ADHD will improve standard clinical services
and, in turn, improve the quality of life for adults with ADHD.
J. Russell Ramsay, PhD, is assistant professor of psychology
in psychiatry and associate director of the Adult ADHD Treatment and Research
Program at the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine.
Neuroimaging
There have been two major overall advances in our
understanding of ADHD: first, the biological reality of ADHD has now been
firmly established through a combination of brain imaging and genetic research.
Studies looking at brain structure suggest that there is a reduction in the
volume of the brain in ADHD and an overall delay in its development,
particularly in the frontal lobes. Studies looking at brain function also
suggest that the frontal brain activity differs greatly in ADHD, and so studies
of brain structure and function are pointing to the same brain regions for us
to look at in more depth in the future.
As people living with ADHD will know, the long
term course can be very variable. Some people get better, some remain very
symptomatic into adulthood, and some show partial improvement. By understanding
the brain basis for this variable outcome we might be able to eventually use
brain imaging to help us predict clinical outcome and also to focus treatment
on those most likely to struggle with their ADHD symptoms. Similarly, we need
to understand how genetic variations which increase the likelihood of having
ADHD act in the brain. This might help us develop entirely new treatment
approaches.
Philip Shaw, MD, PhD, a staff clinician at the National
Institute of Mental Health, leads the child psychiatry branch’s research into
ADHD. Jay Giedd, MD, head of neuroimaging for the NIMH child psychiatry branch,
has been the lead investigator on the largest neuroimaging studies exploring
the neurobiological basis of ADHD.
Cognitive Research
First, studies of tolerance to stimulants have
challenged the flat drug delivery profile and led to the first generation of
very effective controlled-release medications, which are designed to release
the drug in an ascending pattern across the day. Thanks to this development, it
is no longer necessary or common to administer medication during the school
day, as it was less than a decade ago. This is a major development that affects
millions of parents, school officials, and children each day. Secondly, brain
imaging studies in adults have challenged the generally accepted assumptions
about the high density of dopamine transporters in certain regions of the brain
of individuals with ADHD. This surprising reversal of a fundamental assumption
about the brain-basis of ADHD remains to be confirmed or rejected by additional
research, but this research finding could change our understanding of the
causes and treatment of ADHD. Third, a series of publications from the NIMH
Multimodal Treatment Study of Children with ADHD have challenged the general
belief of long-term benefits of childhood treatment with stimulants, either for
reduction of ADHD symptoms, since initial relative superiority appears to
dissipate over time, or the predicted protection from later drug use or abuse,
which was not documented. This suggests that the rationale for the use of
stimulants should be based on the clear short-term relative benefits and not
long-term effects.
The next series of studies of ADHD could be
improved by achieving advances in technologies for brain imaging and genetics.
Current brain imaging methods are restricted to evaluations of adults, despite
the fact that the brains of children are different from the brains of adults.
Therefore, brain imaging methods that could be applied in studies of children
are needed. Moreover, the efficiency of sequencing the human genome is
occurring with breathtaking speed, and when the cost becomes reasonable, it
will provide an opportunity to dramatically improve genetic studies of ADHD.
The National Children’s Study, with a prospective
birth cohort of 100,000 children, should provide a large, representative sample
of children with (around 5,000) and without (100,000) ADHD by 2015. The NCS
will have broad measures of environmental exposures and comprehensive
information on genetic and epigenetic factors, so it can be used to evaluate
genetic, environmental, and gene by environment interaction effects that
probably contribute to the complex clinical condition of ADHD. If we can use
this extraordinary, once-in-a-lifetime study to identify preventable causes of
common disorders of childhood that seem to be increasing in modern society,
including mental disorders (e.g., ADHD, autism, etc.) as well as physical
disorders (e.g., preterm birth, obesity, etc.), it may be possible to reduce
the prevalence and impact of these disorders in the future. This promise might
be meaningful to those living with the disorder today because prevention may be
possible of some types of ADHD.
James M. Swanson, PhD, is professor of pediatrics at the
University of California at Irvine and director of the UCI Child Development
Center. He is a senior fellow of the Sackler Institute at Cornell University.
He was initial principal investigator of the Irvine MTA site.
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